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среда, 19 февраля 2020 г.

A Guide to Your Rights in Homeless Shelters

Even in their deepest moments of crisis, people who are homeless in New York City have rights, from the principled (the right to practice one’s religion) to the practical (the right to a bathroom that’s cleaned twice a day). And when a government agency coordinates where you live, and nonprofit agencies manage the daily routine in that place, there are dozens of ways each day that decent living might depend on everyone knowing what those rights are.


The Safety Net Project of the Urban Justice Center, the Safety Net Activists, the Center for Urban Pedagogy and design studio 13 milliseconds this week released a pamphlet outlining the rights that homeless individuals and families have in New York City.


It covers everything from privacy to diet, voting to disabilities, public benefits to income savings; explains supportive housing and vouchers; talks about how to get a fair hearing and how to seek permanent affordable housing.


You can download a copy here.

Opinion: Just Say No to the Roll-back of Criminal Justice Reforms

There are 2.2 million people in this country locked away in local, state, and federal cages. Meanwhile, 6.7 million people across the country are under the surveillance and control of correctional departments. In New York, Black New Yorkers make up 18 percent of the statewide population but nearly half of the population in prison. These outcomes are the result of deeply damaging policies. And policies are not created and enacted out of thin air.

The pre-trial laws that New York had until this year, “Broken Windows” policing, Stop and Frisk, mandatory minimum sentencing, drug courts, gang databases, and collaboration with ICE all have a clear origin. Legislators, prosecutors, and law enforcement officials, drafted, funded, and implemented policies that have torn apart, terrorized, extracted resources from, disenfranchised, and trampled on the rights of Black and Brown communities.


The tactics being employed to amend and roll back newly enacted changes to New York State’s bail laws are the same tactics used for decades to entrench racially discriminatory policies. NYPD Police Commissioner Shea, police union officials, District Attorneys, prosecutors, and Mayor de Blasio have all used racist fear-mongering or outright lies, correlating the new pre-trial laws to increases in crime data, without evidence, to pressure state legislators to change laws less than three months old. Despite our country still accounting for nearly a quarter of the world’s incarcerated population, certain elected officials and officials running state and city public safety agencies still haven’t quenched their appetite for feeding jails and prisons with Black and Brown bodies. Jails, prisons, and detention centers simply do not make our communities safer.


Black and Latino communities and grassroots organizations in New York, led by people directly impacted by the criminal legal system organized, fought, and struggled to pass policies designed to root out the racialized targeting of our communities and free our community members from cages. As the population of people locked away has decreased, our communities have not seen a rise in crime. That’s because prisons and detention centers perpetuate violence and punishment, but are ineffective at addressing the root causes of crime and harm. Organizers and activists from communities of color are redefining public safety by dismantling policies and practices rooted in criminalizing Blackness and punishing poverty. Instead, we are creating and advancing approaches to divest from police and prisons and investing in robust social services, housing, and mental health supports.


Rolling back New York’s bail reforms now, by giving judges and prosecutors the ability to detain people pre-trial, based on their interpretation of “dangerousness,” isn’t grounded in public safety. It is grounded in maintaining a criminal legal system to control and oppress Black and Brown communities. Judges and prosecutors have been driving racial disparities across the criminal legal system since its existence. Neither are computer algorithms, fed with data from a biased system, going to address racial inequities. The Senate’s newest proposal, supposedly created to eliminate cash bail, will ensure more Black and Latino New Yorkers are detained before trial without the possibility of coming home to their families.


To be Black in New York is to be Kalief Browder and Layleen Polanco. It is to know everyday that the state prioritizes the power to snatch you from your community and take your life over the power to provide you with the care we all deserve. Elected officials committed to creating a fair and just New York for all New Yorkers. Elected officials who have sworn there will be no more Kalief Browders or Eric Garners have a choice. Bend to law enforcement officials grasping to hold onto mass criminalization and incarceration, or stand up for communities fighting to reprioritize and reallocate funding and resources for the social services our communities need to thrive.



Kesi Foster is the Co-Director of the Youth Power Project at Make the Road New York. On Twitter: @BemKesi @MaketheRoadNY

вторник, 18 февраля 2020 г.

Re-emerging Demand Seen for City’s Afrocentric Schools

Larisa Karr


Fela Barclift founded Little Sun People, an Afrocentric school in Brooklyn, nearly four decades ago out of frustration with mainstream public school curriculums. (Credit: Larisa Karr)

Thirty-nine years ago, Fela Barclift decided to abandon the prospect of a high-paying job and start a project completely from scratch: her own school. 

“I wanted to have a place for my daughter and when she was little, I had to do something,” says Barclift, who is originally from Georgia and has degrees in education, administration and supervision. “I did this for her so she could have something that I never got.”

Barclift is the founder of Little Sun People, a preschool in Brooklyn that uses an Afrocentric curriculum, which places an emphasis on teaching children about their African heritage. Although Afrocentric schools have been around since the 1970s – a City Limits report from 1997 notes there were nearly 80 black independent schools in the city that year – many closed for economic reasons over the last few decades. But new ones have been popping up across the country in recent years, including multiple schools in Brooklyn, and Barclift has hope for the schools that are operating now, saying many parents of Black children desire a curriculum that connects students with their roots, and for opportunities that they themselves did not have when they were younger. 

“When I went to a college with mostly White kids, they were all so proud of where their families came from and I thought ‘I’ve got nothing to be proud of,'” says Barclift, 69. Before starting Little Sun People, she’d previously taught at the Uhuru Sasa Shule, otherwise known as the Freedom Now School, a pioneering Afrocentric private school in Brooklyn that closed its doors in 1984. “Our children are starting to feel a stronger sense of identity and they don’t have to doubt themselves in the same way many of us have been taught to doubt ourselves for our whole lives.”

The history of Afrocentric schooling goes back to the 1960s and 1970s, when schools like the Institute of Positive Education were founded in Chicago. Correlating with the Black Power and Pan-African movements, these schools sought to connect Black children with their history and identity, something many feel is not acknowledged in public schools. For some, Afrocentric schools are one part of a larger fight for equality and recognition in the school system. 

“I think people see it as a broader set of steps that we have to take in order to decolonize the public education system, that there are a lot of parts of it that can be oppressive and a lot of parts of it that go toward embedding racism and White supremacy in our culture,” says Mark Winston Griffith, co-producer and co-host of Brooklyn Deep’s School Colors, a podcast series examining race and class dynamics through the lens of a local school district in Bed-Stuy.

Many parents, like Barclift, sought out Afrocentric schools as a result of discontentment with the heavily-Eurocentric approach favored in mainstream schools. Brooklyn’s Ember Charter School for Mindful Education, Innovation and Transformation, for example, places extra emphasis on the value of each individual student and their unique capabilities, something administrators say often gets overlooked in traditional public school settings.

“We’re focused on love and connection as the engine of learning and development and most mainstream schools aren’t really concerned with that,” says Rafiq Kalam Id-Din II, who founded the school in Bedford-Stuyvesant in 2011. “They’re concerned with management and discipline and in a lot of ways, they criminalize the behavior of a lot of black and brown young people. We don’t do that at all.”

Instead, Ember focuses on the mental health of its students and approaches their curriculum through an Afrocentric and Latino-centric lens, in line with the demographics of its 519 students, 99 percent of whom are Black and Latino. The school teaches youngsters from kindergarten through eighth grade, and its middle school students in recent years scored higher on the state’s English and Math tests than the district, city and state-wide averages. Enrollment has increased each year that data on the school has been collected, and Id-Din II says there’s continuing demand: the school receives 500 applications each year for its 80 to 90 available seats, and there’s a waitlist, mainly for the 4th to 6th grades. 

Ember’s curriculum stresses to students that the world existed before 1492 and Christopher Columbus, Id-Din II says. The school wants its students to have direct connection to their heritage, and it frequently takes middle-schoolers on trips, most recently to South Africa.

“It was an opportunity for me to learn more about my history, learn more about the struggles and actually see it for myself,” says Ryanna Isles-Lugo, a 14-year-old former Ember student who went on the six-week South Africa trip, chaperoned by adults from the school. “It was a surreal kind of feeling to be able to be with my friends and be with these teachers who look like me, talk like me and who understand what I’m going through.”

Little Sun People, where 98 percent of students have African heritage, does this by incorporating a variety of extracurricular activities into its curriculum, in addition to traditional subjects like science and history. A dance teacher from the Ivory Coast comes to dance and drum with the children twice a week. The school’s martial arts teacher leads students in African chants before they begin their activities, and the children count in Swahili during their math classes. 

Academic experts think the demand for this kind of culturally-responsive education will continue to increase in places like New York City, which has for decades struggled to address issues of racial inequality across schools. 

“I think that as the issues over the city’s public schools become more embattled and more polarized, reflecting the polarization that we have in our country as a whole, there’s going to be more interest,” says Fabienne Doucet, an associate professor of early childhood and urban education at New York University. “People are going to be looking into other possibilities rather than feeling that their children have to end up in schools that are under-resourced.”

Currently, there are seven known Afrocentric schools in New York City. Little Sun People, Ember, The XyayX Institute, Seneca Village Montessori Afrocentric School and The Eagle Academy for Young Men II are located in Brooklyn, while Linden Seventh-Day Adventist School is located in Queens and Northeastern Academy in Manhattan.

Vivett Dukes, an English teacher and literacy specialist with the New York City Department of Education, sent one of her children to Linden Seventh-Day Adventist and the other to Northeastern Academy.

“The importance of Afrocentric schools is to build self-esteem, that before we can teach our kids about other people, they need to know about themselves first,” says Dukes, who founded the education blog New York School Talk. “This is important especially for children who are marginalized in traditional school settings.”

While some community groups see a solution to school inequity in making public schools more integrated – reports have ranked New York’s schools among the most segregated in the country – others believe that the term “integration” is problematic in and of itself. 

“White folks are presented as what the ideal is when the term ‘integration’ is used, so that’s oftentimes the background that this conversation is operating in. It’s hard to look at integration in a way that frees itself from all the historical baggage and assumptions that that word carries,” says Griffith, who is originally from Brooklyn.  

Though Afrocentric schools like Ember and Little Sun People tend to serve mostly students of color, Doucet says she doesn’t believe segregation is the goal, but instead a chance for black children to thrive outside of an educational system that traditionally doesn’t allow them to do so.

“Especially when kids are young and their minds are still being formed, you want them to have a really solid sense of foundation, a sense of identity, a sense of who they are, a sense of history and a sense of pride,” says Doucet, who also serves as a program officer at the William T. Grant Foundation. “All of these things really set people up for a long-term future and for being able to function successfully in the world.”

Although schools like Little Sun People accept White students, Barclift said the differences were obvious when children of the different races were placed in the same environment. 

“A couple years ago, we had two White children. I would often watch that classroom of 12 students and see the deference toward the White children and how they would always be leading the pack,” said Barclift. “It wasn’t that the two little white-skinned boys were bad. They just felt like they were entitled in a way that the other children did not and it’s not always clear to us because we don’t always have White children here.”

Isles Lugo’s mother, Raquel Isles, says she chose to send her child to Ember because, like Barclift, it was a chance for her daughter to experience a type of education where the teachers resemble the students and actively respond to them.

“I think in an Afrocentric environment, they’re more attentive to culture and learning, they see what trauma is like and they can recognize it because they know where they’re coming from,” says Isles, 52. “In public school, if you’re a child that has trauma and is misbehaving, you just get passed on because they don’t want to deal with you.”

For Ryanna, who graduated from Ember in 2019, the inclusive curriculum and environment is what made the school so rewarding. 


“They put you first in comparison to how mainstream schools would push you on and not really care about what’s going on in your home life or what you’re suffering through,” she says. “Ember puts in that time to cater to what each student needs and to make sure that each student understands exactly what they need to be taught before they move on.”

But it hasn’t all been smooth sailing. Ember had plans to expand into high school last year, but the State Department of Education rejected its application to do so, despite its having been already approved by the city. Id-Din II says the state made false claims about Ember, including that they were not receiving community support and that their student test results were not sufficient. As a result, graduating students at Ember were placed into three other high schools: Bard Early College, The Baccalaureate School for Global Education or The Beacon School. 

Isles was hoping for Ryanna to continue her education at Ember and was disappointed when the state did not grant the school permission to grow.

“We were expecting our high school to be approved, so all our eighth graders had to move away and go into different schools,” says Isles. “They all separated for the first time in eight years and all our kids that were ready for ninth grade were stuck.”


As challenging as the state approval process can be, in some ways the Afrocentric schools have taken on a larger challenge: Trying to create a bypass around centuries of racist educational doctrine and Eurocentric curricula.

Griffith, who was sympathetic to the purpose of the schools, has doubts on whether they can deliver on that promise. “I think that that kind of teaching could be one way of deprogramming people, but it’s only one small piece of it and it’s certainly not a panacea,” he says. “I think Afrocentric education is part of liberating ourselves from the baggage of that frame, yet it doesn’t take us to the place of what a fully-liberated education looks like. I don’t think we’ve begun to ask that question because we haven’t even gotten to sea level yet.”

Id-Din II says he plans to continue to fight for the school’s expansion, and has already applied this year to do so for the 2020-2021 school year. The Department of Education held a public hearing for the school’s application on Jan. 28, which he says went well, with more than 100 people coming out and a dozen speakers testifying in support of the school’s expansion. 

Little Sun People has also grown since it first opened its doors more than three decades ago. Originally located on the floor of Barclift’s brownstone in Bedford-Stuyvesant, the school moved to its current location at 1360 Fulton St. in 1985 due to increasing demand. Barclift says community support for the school remains strong, and there is a waiting list for the facility’s 56 seats, for which it typically receives between 200 to 250 applications. 

“People are constantly trying to get in here, baking pies for us and giving us flowers, cards, calls, twisting our arms and saying, ‘Remember, I’m a friend with so-and-so-and-so,” she says, adding that demand has increased over the last six years. “People are really interested.”

Demand for charter schools in the city has increased overall in the last decade: this school year, the city’s charters received more than 80,000 applicants, up 32 percent since 2010, according to the New York City Charter School Center.

Brooklyn’s Afrocentric schools have gotten positive feedback from the city’s Department of Education: data shows that Little Sun People ranks high when it comes to providing materials and practices that supports the students’’language learning, as well as its rate of interaction between the instructors and students throughout the day. At Ember, 97 percent of the students’ families say that Id-Din II actively promotes a feeling of community and 66 percent of students say that they productively use feedback on their classroom work. 

Barclift says the benefits of an Afrocentric education can continue beyond a student’s school years. 

“We encourage parents to keep their kids doing things like African dance and taking them to places where they can be exposed to their culture, their people and the positive side of life as an African-American,” she says. “They will bring various parts of what happened here to wherever their child goes.”

A Subway Chat About NY-12 Candidate Harrison’s Transit Plan

Peter Harrison

Murphy


Peter Harrison, Democrat for Congress, waits for a downtown train. His transit plan would make all public transit free, at a cost of $1.7 trillion over 10 years to the federal government.

The first votes in New York’s 2020 Congressional primaries are four months off: Early voting begins June 13 for the federal and state legislative races that will be decided June 23. That makes it hard to say who among the candidates now in the field will still be there when voters get to have their say.


Already the field in the 12th district, which links the Upper East Side to slices of Western Queens and northern Brooklyn and has been represented since 1993 by Rep. Carolyn Maloney, has shrunk: On February 7, former state legislative aide and anti-sexual-harassment advocate Erica Vladimer withdrew from the race. That leaves the incumbent Rep. Maloney, Suraj Patel (who performed well in the 2018), comedian/activist Lauren Ashcraft and tenant/transit advocate Peter Harrison.


At least when it comes to the dollars and cents, Harrison’s campaign apparatus is dwarfed by all of his rivals’. Patel and Maloney each had more than $320,000 on hand at last count. Ashcraft trailed far behind with $47,000. Harrison had just about $13,000.


What Harrison lacks in money and name recognition he is hoping to make up with bold ideas like cancelling all student debt and reimbursing past debt payments, abolishing ICE and opening the the country to all immigrants, decriminalizing sex work, and building 10 million new homes.


The heart of Harrison’s plan is a $1.7 trillion initiative to make all public transportation free and accessible. On Friday, he spoke with City Limits about the plan in an apropos setting: on an uptown 6 train.

Ashcraft has also called for “nationalizing and upgrading all public transit and making public transit usage free for all,” although Harrison has provided slightly more detail on how to get there. Patel’s platform links to a 2018 post calling for a more modest approach: “a federal program to fund subsidized mass transit nationally, for every individual under the federal poverty line, in every city in this country with mass public transit.”


Maloney was a major voice pushing for the Second Avenue subway for decades. She “has brought billions back to New York’s 12th district,” according to her campaign website. “Her infrastructure projects  have transformed not just how we move around New York City, but the entire New York region,” her literature says. “She’ll keep pushing for fully ADA-accessible compliant public transit, adding protected bike lanes, and pushing green infrastructure and jobs training to help New Yorkers get where they need to be.”

Re-emerging Seen for City’s Afrocentric Schools

Larisa Karr

Fela Barclift founded Little Sun People, an Afrocentric school in Brooklyn, nearly four decades ago out of frustration with mainstream public school curriculums. (Credit: Larisa Karr)

Thirty-nine years ago, Fela Barclift decided to abandon the prospect of a high-paying job and start a project completely from scratch: her own school. 

“I wanted to have a place for my daughter and when she was little, I had to do something,” says Barclift, who is originally from Georgia and has degrees in education, administration and supervision. “I did this for her so she could have something that I never got.”

Barclift is the founder of Little Sun People, a preschool in Brooklyn that uses an Afrocentric curriculum, which places an emphasis on teaching children about their African heritage. Although Afrocentric schools have been around since the 1970s – a City Limits report from 1997 notes there were nearly 80 black independent schools in the city that year many closed for economic reasons over the last few decades. But new ones have been popping up across the country in recent years, including multiple schools in Brooklyn, and Barclift has hope for the schools that are operating now, saying many parents of Black children desire a curriculum that connects students with their roots, and for opportunities that they themselves did not have when they were younger. 

“When I went to a college with mostly White kids, they were all so proud of where their families came from and I thought ‘I’ve got nothing to be proud of,’” says Barclift, 69. Before starting Little Sun People, she’d previously taught at the Uhuru Sasa Shule, otherwise known as the Freedom Now School, a pioneering Afrocentric private school in Brooklyn that closed its doors in 1984. “Our children are starting to feel a stronger sense of identity and they don’t have to doubt themselves in the same way many of us have been taught to doubt ourselves for our whole lives.”

The history of Afrocentric schooling goes back to the 1960s and 1970s, when schools like the Institute of Positive Education were founded in Chicago. Correlating with the Black Power and Pan-African movements, these schools sought to connect Black children with their history and identity, something many feel is not acknowledged in public schools. For some, Afrocentric schools are one part of a larger fight for equality and recognition in the school system. 

“I think people see it as a broader set of steps that we have to take in order to decolonize the public education system, that there are a lot of parts of it that can be oppressive and a lot of parts of it that go toward embedding racism and White supremacy in our culture,” says Mark Winston Griffith, co-producer and co-host of Brooklyn Deep’s School Colors, a podcast series examining race and class dynamics through the lens of a local school district in Bed-Stuy.

Many parents, like Barclift, sought out Afrocentric schools as a result of discontentment with the heavily-Eurocentric approach favored in mainstream schools. Brooklyn’s Ember Charter School for Mindful Education, Innovation and Transformation, for example, places extra emphasis on the value of each individual student and their unique capabilities, something administrators say often gets overlooked in traditional public school settings.

“We’re focused on love and connection as the engine of learning and development and most mainstream schools aren’t really concerned with that,” says Rafiq Kalam Id-Din II, who founded the school in Bedford-Stuyvesant in 2011. “They’re concerned with management and discipline and in a lot of ways, they criminalize the behavior of a lot of black and brown young people. We don’t do that at all.”

Instead, Ember focuses on the mental health of its students and approaches their curriculum through an Afrocentric and Latino-centric lens, in line with the demographics of its 519 students, 99 percent of whom are Black and Latino. The school teaches youngsters from kindergarten through eighth grade, and its middle school students in recent years scored higher on the state’s English and Math tests than the district, city and state-wide averages. Enrollment has increased each year that data on the school has been collected, and Id-Din II says there’s continuing demand: the school receives 500 applications each year for its 80 to 90 available seats, and there’s a waitlist, mainly for the 4th to 6th grades. 

Ember’s curriculum stresses to students that the world existed before 1492 and Christopher Columbus, Id-Din II says. The school wants its students to have direct connection to their heritage, and it frequently takes middle-schoolers on trips, most recently to South Africa.

“It was an opportunity for me to learn more about my history, learn more about the struggles and actually see it for myself,” says Ryanna Isles-Lugo, a 14-year-old former Ember student who went on the six-week South Africa trip, chaperoned by adults from the school. “It was a surreal kind of feeling to be able to be with my friends and be with these teachers who look like me, talk like me and who understand what I’m going through.”

Little Sun People, where 98 percent of students have African heritage, does this by incorporating a variety of extracurricular activities into its curriculum, in addition to traditional subjects like science and history. A dance teacher from the Ivory Coast comes to dance and drum with the children twice a week. The school’s martial arts teacher leads students in African chants before they begin their activities, and the children count in Swahili during their math classes. 

Academic experts think the demand for this kind of culturally-responsive education will continue to increase in places like New York City, which has for decades struggled to address issues of racial inequality across schools. 

“I think that as the issues over the city’s public schools become more embattled and more polarized, reflecting the polarization that we have in our country as a whole, there’s going to be more interest,” says Fabienne Doucet, an associate professor of early childhood and urban education at New York University. “People are going to be looking into other possibilities rather than feeling that their children have to end up in schools that are under-resourced.”

Currently, there are seven known Afrocentric schools in New York City. Little Sun People, Ember, The XyayX Institute, Seneca Village Montessori Afrocentric School and The Eagle Academy for Young Men II are located in Brooklyn, while Linden Seventh-Day Adventist School is located in Queens and Northeastern Academy in Manhattan.

Vivett Dukes, an English teacher and literacy specialist with the New York City Department of Education, sent one of her children to Linden Seventh-Day Adventist and the other to Northeastern Academy.

“The importance of Afrocentric schools is to build self-esteem, that before we can teach our kids about other people, they need to know about themselves first,” says Dukes, who founded the education blog New York School Talk. “This is important especially for children who are marginalized in traditional school settings.”

While some community groups see a solution to school inequity in making public schools more integrated – reports have ranked New York’s schools among the most segregated in the country – others believe that the term “integration” is problematic in and of itself. 

“White folks are presented as what the ideal is when the term ‘integration’ is used, so that’s oftentimes the background that this conversation is operating in. It’s hard to look at integration in a way that frees itself from all the historical baggage and assumptions that that word carries,” says Griffith, who is originally from Brooklyn.  

Though Afrocentric schools like Ember and Little Sun People tend to serve mostly students of color, Doucet says she doesn’t believe segregation is the goal, but instead a chance for black children to thrive outside of an educational system that traditionally doesn’t allow them to do so.

“Especially when kids are young and their minds are still being formed, you want them to have a really solid sense of foundation, a sense of identity, a sense of who they are, a sense of history and a sense of pride,” says Doucet, who also serves as a program officer at the William T. Grant Foundation. “All of these things really set people up for a long-term future and for being able to function successfully in the world.”

Although schools like Little Sun People accept White students, Barclift said the differences were obvious when children of the different races were placed in the same environment. 

“A couple years ago, we had two White children. I would often watch that classroom of 12 students and see the deference toward the White children and how they would always be leading the pack,” said Barclift. “It wasn’t that the two little white-skinned boys were bad. They just felt like they were entitled in a way that the other children did not and it’s not always clear to us because we don’t always have White children here.”

Isles Lugo’s mother, Raquel Isles, says she chose to send her child to Ember because, like Barclift, it was a chance for her daughter to experience a type of education where the teachers resemble the students and actively respond to them.

“I think in an Afrocentric environment, they’re more attentive to culture and learning, they see what trauma is like and they can recognize it because they know where they’re coming from,” says Isles, 52. “In public school, if you’re a child that has trauma and is misbehaving, you just get passed on because they don’t want to deal with you.”

For Ryanna, who graduated from Ember in 2019, the inclusive curriculum and environment is what made the school so rewarding. 

“They put you first in comparison to how mainstream schools would push you on and not really care about what’s going on in your home life or what you’re suffering through,” she says. “Ember puts in that time to cater to what each student needs and to make sure that each student understands exactly what they need to be taught before they move on.”

But it hasn’t all been smooth sailing. Ember had plans to expand into high school last year, but the State Department of Education rejected its application to do so, despite its having been already approved by the city. Id-Din II says the state made false claims about Ember, including that they were not receiving community support and that their student test results were not sufficient. As a result, graduating students at Ember were placed into three other high schools: Bard Early College, The Baccalaureate School for Global Education or The Beacon School. 

Isles was hoping for Ryanna to continue her education at Ember and was disappointed when the state did not grant the school permission to grow.

“We were expecting our high school to be approved, so all our eighth graders had to move away and go into different schools,” says Isles. “They all separated for the first time in eight years and all our kids that were ready for ninth grade were stuck.”

As challenging as the state approval process can be, in some ways the Afrocentric schools have taken on a larger challenge: Trying to create a bypass around centuries of racist educational doctrine and Eurocentric curricula.

Griffith, who was sympathetic to the purpose of the schools, has doubts on whether they can deliver on that promise. “I think that that kind of teaching could be one way of deprogramming people, but it’s only one small piece of it and it’s certainly not a panacea,” he says. “I think Afrocentric education is part of liberating ourselves from the baggage of that frame, yet it doesn’t take us to the place of what a fully-liberated education looks like. I don’t think we’ve begun to ask that question because we haven’t even gotten to sea level yet.”

Id-Din II says he plans to continue to fight for the school’s expansion, and has already applied this year to do so for the 2020-2021 school year. The Department of Education held a public hearing for the school’s application on Jan. 28, which he says went well, with more than 100 people coming out and a dozen speakers testifying in support of the school’s expansion. 

Little Sun People has also grown since it first opened its doors more than three decades ago. Originally located on the floor of Barclift’s brownstone in Bedford-Stuyvesant, the school moved to its current location at 1360 Fulton St. in 1985 due to increasing demand. Barclift says community support for the school remains strong, and there is a waiting list for the facility’s 56 seats, for which it typically receives between 200 to 250 applications. 

“People are constantly trying to get in here, baking pies for us and giving us flowers, cards, calls, twisting our arms and saying, ‘Remember, I’m a friend with so-and-so-and-so,” she says, adding that demand has increased over the last six years. “People are really interested.”

Demand for charter schools in the city has increased overall in the last decade: this school year, the city’s charters received more than 80,000 applicants, up 32 percent since 2010, according to the New York City Charter School Center.

Brooklyn’s Afrocentric schools have gotten positive feedback from the city’s Department of Education: data shows that Little Sun People ranks high when it comes to providing materials and practices that supports the students’’language learning, as well as its rate of interaction between the instructors and students throughout the day. At Ember, 97 percent of the students’ families say that Id-Din II actively promotes a feeling of community and 66 percent of students say that they productively use feedback on their classroom work. 

Barclift says the benefits of an Afrocentric education can continue beyond a student’s school years. 

“We encourage parents to keep their kids doing things like African dance and taking them to places where they can be exposed to their culture, their people and the positive side of life as an African-American,” she says. “They will bring various parts of what happened here to wherever their child goes.”

The post Re-emerging Seen for City’s Afrocentric Schools appeared first on City Limits.

A Subway Chat About NY-12 Candidate Harrison’s Transit Plan

Peter Harrison

Murphy

Peter Harrison, Democrat for Congress, waits for a downtown train. His transit plan would make all public transit free, at a cost of $1.7 trillion over 10 years to the federal government.

The first votes in New York’s 2020 Congressional primaries are four months off: Early voting begins June 13 for the federal and state legislative races that will be decided June 23. That makes it hard to say who among the candidates now in the field will still be there when voters get to have their say.

Already the field in the 12th district, which links the Upper East Side to slices of Western Queens and northern Brooklyn and has been represented since 1993 by Rep. Carolyn Maloney, has shrunk: On February 7, former state legislative aide and anti-sexual-harassment advocate Erica Vladimer withdrew from the race. That leaves the incumbent Rep. Maloney, Suraj Patel (who performed well in the 2018), comedian/activist Lauren Ashcraft and tenant/transit advocate Peter Harrison.

At least when it comes to the dollars and cents, Harrison’s campaign apparatus is dwarfed by all of his rivals’. Patel and Maloney each had more than $320,000 on hand at last count. Ashcraft trailed far behind with $47,000. Harrison had just about $13,000.

What Harrison lacks in money and name recognition he is hoping to make up with bold ideas like cancelling all student debt and reimbursing past debt payments, abolishing ICE and opening the the country to all immigrants, decriminalizing sex work, and building 10 million new homes.

The heart of Harrison’s plan is a $1.7 trillion initiative to make all public transportation free and accessible. On Friday, he spoke with City Limits about the plan in an apropos setting: on an uptown 6 train.

Ashcraft has also called for “nationalizing and upgrading all public transit and making public transit usage free for all,” although Harrison has provided slightly more detail on how to get there. Patel’s platform links to a 2018 post calling for a more modest approach: “a federal program to fund subsidized mass transit nationally, for every individual under the federal poverty line, in every city in this country with mass public transit.”

Maloney was a major voice pushing for the Second Avenue subway for decades. She “has brought billions back to New York’s 12th district,” according to her campaign website. “Her infrastructure projects  have transformed not just how we move around New York City, but the entire New York region,” her literature says. “She’ll keep pushing for fully ADA-accessible compliant public transit, adding protected bike lanes, and pushing green infrastructure and jobs training to help New Yorkers get where they need to be.”

The post A Subway Chat About NY-12 Candidate Harrison’s Transit Plan appeared first on City Limits.

понедельник, 17 февраля 2020 г.

Q&A: Museum of the City of NY Curator on Making Census Data Fun

El Correo NY


Monxo López with the exhibit, which showcases work by artists, designers and data analysts using the city’s data population numbers. (Credit: El Correo NY)

Read the original story in Spanish at El Correo NY
Translated and condensed by Carlos Rodríguez Martorell

Talking about the Census immediately makes us think about monotonous and formal numbers, data and logistics. But did you know the Census can be fun, and even lead you to finding love?

The exhibit “Who We Are: Visualizing NYC by the Numbers” at the Museum of the City of New York seeks to show how the Census – which exists to help us know how many of us there are to guarantee fair political representation and distribution of funds for education, infrastructure and social programs – also has a fun side.

Exhibit curator Monxo López explained the details in an exclusive interview with El Correo NY:

For a long time, Census data has been a tool to better understand New York City and the dense and chaotic mosaic formed by its eight and a half million residents. How were you able to make it entertaining?

The exhibit shows the way data and the Census can be fun as well. For instance, there is a map displaying unique words and how they appear in dating app profiles, and it is hilarious! Each Census item has a specific word associated to that part of the geography. You can locate the area where your best friend lives to see what people there are writing about themselves online in order to attract a partner. You can find love or find out about your neighbors’ perversions (laughs.)

Aside from entertaining, what is the aim of the exhibit?


On a civic level, the initiative seeks to make people aware about the importance of participating in the Census, for everyone to be counted. It is a legal, constitutional requirement. One of the goals of the exhibit is precisely to make people aware of the importance of letting the census count them.



Does the exhibit explain why people should allow the Census to count them, and what the Census entails? 

The number of delegates in the House of Representatives at the federal level is determined by the Census. The more representatives we have, the more power we have. That is why citizen participation in the Census is so important. Proportionally, New York has been losing political power in the United States. 

Many federal aid programs are determined based on the population reflected in the Census. If people do not participate, it will look like there are less people living in that state. The funds allocated for social assistance programs will be meant for fewer people, meaning less money. 

Why is it important for undocumented immigrants to participate as well?


It is crucial for everyone to be counted. The Census states that everyone in the U.S. must be counted, and the reason it was built that way is because these aids are needed, particularly by immigrant communities. If we don’t take part, it is us Latinos, the minority communities, who will pay the consequences.   

Aside from this initiative of the Museum, what are the city and the state doing to encourage more participation?

Very cleverly, the city and the state have finally admitted that they are unable to lead the process of trying to get people to participate and that there are community groups and activists who are much more connected to the different ethnic communities who can carry out that job of encouraging people to take part. 

Why should people see the exhibit before the Census begins?


The exhibit demonstrates the capacity of the Census to be an interesting and fun process beyond its importance at the political, economic and representation levels. The Census offers us a great deal of interesting information about ourselves. I think that the beauty we see here in this artwork shows us that there is much about ourselves that we do not know. We also have an audio guide in Spanish. 


[embedded content]

Q&A: Museum of the City of NY Curator on Making Census Data Fun

El Correo NY

Monxo López with the exhibit, which showcases work by artists, designers and data analysts using the city’s data population numbers. (Credit: El Correo NY)

Read the original story in Spanish at El Correo NY
Translated and condensed by Carlos Rodríguez Martorell

Talking about the Census immediately makes us think about monotonous and formal numbers, data and logistics. But did you know the Census can be fun, and even lead you to finding love?

The exhibit “Who We Are: Visualizing NYC by the Numbers” at the Museum of the City of New York seeks to show how the Census – which exists to help us know how many of us there are to guarantee fair political representation and distribution of funds for education, infrastructure and social programs – also has a fun side.

Exhibit curator Monxo López explained the details in an exclusive interview with El Correo NY:

For a long time, Census data has been a tool to better understand New York City and the dense and chaotic mosaic formed by its eight and a half million residents. How were you able to make it entertaining?

The exhibit shows the way data and the Census can be fun as well. For instance, there is a map displaying unique words and how they appear in dating app profiles, and it is hilarious! Each Census item has a specific word associated to that part of the geography. You can locate the area where your best friend lives to see what people there are writing about themselves online in order to attract a partner. You can find love or find out about your neighbors’ perversions (laughs.)

Aside from entertaining, what is the aim of the exhibit?

On a civic level, the initiative seeks to make people aware about the importance of participating in the Census, for everyone to be counted. It is a legal, constitutional requirement. One of the goals of the exhibit is precisely to make people aware of the importance of letting the census count them.

Does the exhibit explain why people should allow the Census to count them, and what the Census entails? 

The number of delegates in the House of Representatives at the federal level is determined by the Census. The more representatives we have, the more power we have. That is why citizen participation in the Census is so important. Proportionally, New York has been losing political power in the United States. 

Many federal aid programs are determined based on the population reflected in the Census. If people do not participate, it will look like there are less people living in that state. The funds allocated for social assistance programs will be meant for fewer people, meaning less money. 

Why is it important for undocumented immigrants to participate as well?

It is crucial for everyone to be counted. The Census states that everyone in the U.S. must be counted, and the reason it was built that way is because these aids are needed, particularly by immigrant communities. If we don’t take part, it is us Latinos, the minority communities, who will pay the consequences.   

Aside from this initiative of the Museum, what are the city and the state doing to encourage more participation?

Very cleverly, the city and the state have finally admitted that they are unable to lead the process of trying to get people to participate and that there are community groups and activists who are much more connected to the different ethnic communities who can carry out that job of encouraging people to take part. 

Why should people see the exhibit before the Census begins?

The exhibit demonstrates the capacity of the Census to be an interesting and fun process beyond its importance at the political, economic and representation levels. The Census offers us a great deal of interesting information about ourselves. I think that the beauty we see here in this artwork shows us that there is much about ourselves that we do not know. We also have an audio guide in Spanish. 


The post Q&A: Museum of the City of NY Curator on Making Census Data Fun appeared first on City Limits.

Many Latinos still believe that the citizenship question is in the 2020 Census

census workers

City of New York


Image from the city’s Census 2020 website.

This article appeared in Spanish first.
Lee la versión en español


More than half of U.S. citizens of Latino descent believe that the 2020 Census includes a question about citizenship, a mistaken belief whose apparent popularity deeply troubles advocates and officials.


Since the citizenship question was left out of the 2020 Census, many have questioned what the consequences would be among Latinos. On February 10, the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) released the results of a national survey conducted between October 8 and October 19, 2019, months after the decision not to include the citizenship question in the Census.


Overall, 48 percent of Latinos surveyed expected to see a citizenship question on the census. Latinos who are citizens (naturalized and U.S. born) were more likely to believe the questions was part of the Census, 53 percent. In contrast, only 40 percent of non-citizens believe the question is part of the census.


As Arturo Vargas, Chief Executive Officer of NALEO, pointed out during the press conference, this is “an incongruous finding” because it shows that those who are not citizens are “better informed.” That’s why Vargas asked the English-language media to be as attentive to the problem of Census misconceptions as the Spanish-language media.


It is, however, also worrying that 42 percent of undocumented immigrants still believe the question is part of the Census.


The study also highlighted “high levels of anxiety within Latino community around the 2020 Census.” This is reflected in the fact that while 77 percent of Latinos understand that their community would benefit if they participated in the Census, at the same time, 75 percent of the respondents had major concerns that their personal information would be uses against them by the Trump’s administration


To add to this concern, 78 percent of respondents think the Census website is vulnerable to online interference. Moreover, according to the press release, “there are widespread misconceptions around what will be asked, and what the Census does with the information”.


As Julie Menin, New York City 2020 Census director, explained, the Census is essential for everyone because it allocates “the share of public funds.” For New York, this means millions of dollars for programs such as housing, health, education, transportation, as well as political representation and “more than 300 programs in the city,” says Menin. Due to the undercount in 2010, “we lost millions of dollars,” she says.


In addition to its public importance, the Census has political significance: The results can increase or decrease the number of legislative representatives in the city. New York’s population dropped by an estimated 76,790 people between 2018 and 2019; thus New York could lose two seats in Congress. It can also shift power in Congress, the state Assembly, State Senate and City Council among neighborhoods or between the city and its suburbs.


Additionally, the Census is important for defining the political representation of immigrant and non-White communities, which have been historically underrepresented. According to projections by the Urban Institute, “Black and Hispanic/Latinx-identified individuals in the high-risk scenario could be undercounted nationally by 3.68 percent and 3.57 percent, respectively.” Some 2.2 million Latinos around the United States could be miscounted. Immigrants are among the Census’ definition of hard-to-count populations. On the other hand, White people are the only group projected to be over-counted in certain states.


Surprisingly in New York, the self-response rate in the 2010 census was 77,4, slightly higher than the national rate 76 percent, in Washington Heights, a neighborhood with a large immigrant population. But the concern is that it will slip this year.


Another concern for Latinos is providing specific information about themselves or their family members. In addition, “nearly all shared the view that Latinos who are not citizens will not want to participate once they see the questions being asked,” reads the NALEO report. Also, 73 percent of “non-citizens are concerned that immigration enforcement agencies will use their census information against them or their families”. 


This misunderstanding is more prominent among Latinos under 40. Just under half of them believe that the census is used to provide information to track and locate people by “immigration and law enforcement agencies,” while 29 percent of Latinos over 40 believe the same.


The fear among Latinos, and especially among undocumented immigrants, is not baseless. Shortly after the question about citizenship was rejected, President Donald Trump asked federal agencies to find a way to “gain a full, complete and accurate count of the non-citizen population.” As Reveal reported, “even without a citizenship question, the [Census] Bureau now can accurately identify whether a respondent is a citizen at least 90 percent of the time.”


With regards to the response options, Latinos preferred to participate by mail, especially non-citizens and Latinos over 40. In contrast, those Latinos under under 40 preferred online despite the fact that in the focus groups in 2019, most admitted not knowing how the online process worked.


The Census consists of nine simple questions, but one question about citizenship–which is not included–could end up costing several cities billions in aid, under-counting historically marginalized populations, and undermining research.

Many Latinos still believe that the citizenship question is in the 2020 Census

census workers

City of New York

Image from the city’s Census 2020 website.

This article appeared in Spanish first.
Lee la versión en español


More than half of U.S. citizens of Latino descent believe that the 2020 Census includes a question about citizenship, a mistaken belief whose apparent popularity deeply troubles advocates and officials.

Since the citizenship question was left out of the 2020 Census, many have questioned what the consequences would be among Latinos. On February 10, the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) released the results of a national survey conducted between October 8 and October 19, 2019, months after the decision not to include the citizenship question in the Census.

Overall, 48 percent of Latinos surveyed expected to see a citizenship question on the census. Latinos who are citizens (naturalized and U.S. born) were more likely to believe the questions was part of the Census, 53 percent. In contrast, only 40 percent of non-citizens believe the question is part of the census.

As Arturo Vargas, Chief Executive Officer of NALEO, pointed out during the press conference, this is “an incongruous finding” because it shows that those who are not citizens are “better informed.” That’s why Vargas asked the English-language media to be as attentive to the problem of Census misconceptions as the Spanish-language media.

It is, however, also worrying that 42 percent of undocumented immigrants still believe the question is part of the Census.

The study also highlighted “high levels of anxiety within Latino community around the 2020 Census.” This is reflected in the fact that while 77 percent of Latinos understand that their community would benefit if they participated in the Census, at the same time, 75 percent of the respondents had major concerns that their personal information would be uses against them by the Trump’s administration

To add to this concern, 78 percent of respondents think the Census website is vulnerable to online interference. Moreover, according to the press release, “there are widespread misconceptions around what will be asked, and what the Census does with the information”.

As Julie Menin, New York City Census Bureau director, explained, the Census is essential for everyone because it allocates “the share of public funds.” For New York, this means millions of dollars for programs such as housing, health, education, transportation, as well as political representation and “more than 300 programs in the city,” says Menin. Due to the undercount in 2010, “we lost millions of dollars,” she says.

In addition to its public importance, the Census has political significance: The results can increase or decrease the number of legislative representatives in the city. New York’s population dropped by an estimated 76,790 people between 2018 and 2019; thus New York could lose two seats in Congress. It can also shift power in Congress, the state Assembly, State Senate and City Council among neighborhoods or between the city and its suburbs.

Additionally, the Census is important for defining the political representation of immigrant and non-White communities, which have been historically underrepresented. According to projections by the Urban Institute, “Black and Hispanic/Latinx-identified individuals in the high-risk scenario could be undercounted nationally by 3.68 percent and 3.57 percent, respectively.” Some 2.2 million Latinos around the United States could be miscounted. Immigrants are among the Census’ definition of hard-to-count populations. On the other hand, White people are the only group projected to be over-counted in certain states.

Surprisingly in New York, the self-response rate in the 2010 census was 77,4, slightly higher than the national rate 76 percent, in Washington Heights, a neighborhood with a large immigrant population. But the concern is that it will slip this year.

Another concern for Latinos is providing specific information about themselves or their family members. In addition, “nearly all shared the view that Latinos who are not citizens will not want to participate once they see the questions being asked,” reads the NALEO report. Also, 73 percent of “non-citizens are concerned that immigration enforcement agencies will use their census information against them or their families”. 

This misunderstanding is more prominent among Latinos under 40. Just under half of them believe that the census is used to provide information to track and locate people by “immigration and law enforcement agencies,” while 29 percent of Latinos over 40 believe the same.

The fear among Latinos, and especially among undocumented immigrants, is not baseless. Shortly after the question about citizenship was rejected, President Donald Trump asked federal agencies to find a way to “gain a full, complete and accurate count of the non-citizen population.” As Reveal reported, “even without a citizenship question, the [Census] Bureau now can accurately identify whether a respondent is a citizen at least 90 percent of the time.”

With regards to the response options, Latinos preferred to participate by mail, especially non-citizens and Latinos over 40. In contrast, those Latinos under under 40 preferred online despite the fact that in the focus groups in 2019, most admitted not knowing how the online process worked.

The Census consists of nine simple questions, but one question about citizenship–which is not included–could end up costing several cities billions in aid, under-counting historically marginalized populations, and undermining research.


The post Many Latinos still believe that the citizenship question is in the 2020 Census appeared first on City Limits.

Q&A: Museum of the City of NY Curator on Making Census Data Fun

El Correo NY

Monxo López with the exhibit, which showcases work by artists, designers and data analysts using the city’s data population numbers. (Credit: El Correo NY)

Read the original story in Spanish at El Correo NY
Translated and condensed by Carlos Rodríguez Martorell

Talking about the Census immediately makes us think about monotonous and formal numbers, data and logistics. But did you know the Census can be fun, and even lead you to finding love?

The exhibit “Who We Are: Visualizing NYC by the Numbers” at the Museum of the City of New York seeks to show how the Census – which exists to help us know how many of us there are to guarantee fair political representation and distribution of funds for education, infrastructure and social programs – also has a fun side.

Exhibit curator Monxo López explained the details in an exclusive interview with El Correo NY:

For a long time, Census data has been a tool to better understand New York City and the dense and chaotic mosaic formed by its eight and a half million residents. How were you able to make it entertaining?

The exhibit shows the way data and the Census can be fun as well. For instance, there is a map displaying unique words and how they appear in dating app profiles, and it is hilarious! Each Census item has a specific word associated to that part of the geography. You can locate the area where your best friend lives to see what people there are writing about themselves online in order to attract a partner. You can find love or find out about your neighbors’ perversions (laughs.)

Aside from entertaining, what is the aim of the exhibit?

On a civic level, the initiative seeks to make people aware about the importance of participating in the Census, for everyone to be counted. It is a legal, constitutional requirement. One of the goals of the exhibit is precisely to make people aware of the importance of letting the census count them.

Does the exhibit explain why people should allow the Census to count them, and what the Census entails? 

The number of delegates in the House of Representatives at the federal level is determined by the Census. The more representatives we have, the more power we have. That is why citizen participation in the Census is so important. Proportionally, New York has been losing political power in the United States. 

Many federal aid programs are determined based on the population reflected in the Census. If people do not participate, it will look like there are less people living in that state. The funds allocated for social assistance programs will be meant for fewer people, meaning less money. 

Why is it important for undocumented immigrants to participate as well?

It is crucial for everyone to be counted. The Census states that everyone in the U.S. must be counted, and the reason it was built that way is because these aids are needed, particularly by immigrant communities. If we don’t take part, it is us Latinos, the minority communities, who will pay the consequences.   

Aside from this initiative of the Museum, what are the city and the state doing to encourage more participation?

Very cleverly, the city and the state have finally admitted that they are unable to lead the process of trying to get people to participate and that there are community groups and activists who are much more connected to the different ethnic communities who can carry out that job of encouraging people to take part. 

Why should people see the exhibit before the Census begins?

The exhibit demonstrates the capacity of the Census to be an interesting and fun process beyond its importance at the political, economic and representation levels. The Census offers us a great deal of interesting information about ourselves. I think that the beauty we see here in this artwork shows us that there is much about ourselves that we do not know. We also have an audio guide in Spanish. 

The post Q&A: Museum of the City of NY Curator on Making Census Data Fun appeared first on City Limits.

Many Latinos still believe that the citizenship question is in the 2020 Census

census workers

City of New York

Image from the city’s Census 2020 website.

This article appeared in Spanish first.
Lee la versión en español


More than half of U.S. citizens of Latino descent believe that the 2020 Census includes a question about citizenship, a mistaken belief whose apparent popularity deeply troubles advocates and officials.

Since the citizenship question was left out of the 2020 Census, many have questioned what the consequences would be among Latinos. On February 10, the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) released the results of a national survey conducted between October 8 and October 19, 2019, months after the decision not to include the citizenship question in the Census.

Overall, 48 percent of Latinos surveyed expected to see a citizenship question on the census. Latinos who are citizens (naturalized and U.S. born) were more likely to believe the questions was part of the Census, 53 percent. In contrast, only 40 percent of non-citizens believe the question is part of the census.

As Arturo Vargas, Chief Executive Officer of NALEO, pointed out during the press conference, this is “an incongruous finding” because it shows that those who are not citizens are “better informed.” That’s why Vargas asked the English-language media to be as attentive to the problem of Census misconceptions as the Spanish-language media.

It is, however, also worrying that 42 percent of undocumented immigrants still believe the question is part of the Census.

The study also highlighted “high levels of anxiety within Latino community around the 2020 Census.” This is reflected in the fact that while 77 percent of Latinos understand that their community would benefit if they participated in the Census, at the same time, 75 percent of the respondents had major concerns that their personal information would be uses against them by the Trump’s administration

To add to this concern, 78 percent of respondents think the Census website is vulnerable to online interference. Moreover, according to the press release, “there are widespread misconceptions around what will be asked, and what the Census does with the information”.

As Julie Menin, New York City 2020 Census director, explained, the Census is essential for everyone because it allocates “the share of public funds.” For New York, this means millions of dollars for programs such as housing, health, education, transportation, as well as political representation and “more than 300 programs in the city,” says Menin. Due to the undercount in 2010, “we lost millions of dollars,” she says.

In addition to its public importance, the Census has political significance: The results can increase or decrease the number of legislative representatives in the city. New York’s population dropped by an estimated 76,790 people between 2018 and 2019; thus New York could lose two seats in Congress. It can also shift power in Congress, the state Assembly, State Senate and City Council among neighborhoods or between the city and its suburbs.

Additionally, the Census is important for defining the political representation of immigrant and non-White communities, which have been historically underrepresented. According to projections by the Urban Institute, “Black and Hispanic/Latinx-identified individuals in the high-risk scenario could be undercounted nationally by 3.68 percent and 3.57 percent, respectively.” Some 2.2 million Latinos around the United States could be miscounted. Immigrants are among the Census’ definition of hard-to-count populations. On the other hand, White people are the only group projected to be over-counted in certain states.

Surprisingly in New York, the self-response rate in the 2010 census was 77,4, slightly higher than the national rate 76 percent, in Washington Heights, a neighborhood with a large immigrant population. But the concern is that it will slip this year.

Another concern for Latinos is providing specific information about themselves or their family members. In addition, “nearly all shared the view that Latinos who are not citizens will not want to participate once they see the questions being asked,” reads the NALEO report. Also, 73 percent of “non-citizens are concerned that immigration enforcement agencies will use their census information against them or their families”. 

This misunderstanding is more prominent among Latinos under 40. Just under half of them believe that the census is used to provide information to track and locate people by “immigration and law enforcement agencies,” while 29 percent of Latinos over 40 believe the same.

The fear among Latinos, and especially among undocumented immigrants, is not baseless. Shortly after the question about citizenship was rejected, President Donald Trump asked federal agencies to find a way to “gain a full, complete and accurate count of the non-citizen population.” As Reveal reported, “even without a citizenship question, the [Census] Bureau now can accurately identify whether a respondent is a citizen at least 90 percent of the time.”

With regards to the response options, Latinos preferred to participate by mail, especially non-citizens and Latinos over 40. In contrast, those Latinos under under 40 preferred online despite the fact that in the focus groups in 2019, most admitted not knowing how the online process worked.

The Census consists of nine simple questions, but one question about citizenship–which is not included–could end up costing several cities billions in aid, under-counting historically marginalized populations, and undermining research.

The post Many Latinos still believe that the citizenship question is in the 2020 Census appeared first on City Limits.

Many Latinos still believe that the citizenship question is in the 2020 Census

census workers

City of New York

Image from the city’s Census 2020 website.

This article appeared in Spanish first.
Lee la versión en español


More than half of U.S. citizens of Latino descent believe that the 2020 Census includes a question about citizenship, a mistaken belief whose apparent popularity deeply troubles advocates and officials.

Since the citizenship question was left out of the 2020 Census, many have questioned what the consequences would be among Latinos. On February 10, the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) released the results of a national survey conducted between October 8 and October 19, 2019, months after the decision not to include the citizenship question in the Census.

Overall, 48 percent of Latinos surveyed expected to see a citizenship question on the census. Latinos who are citizens (naturalized and U.S. born) were more likely to believe the questions was part of the Census, 53 percent. In contrast, only 40 percent of non-citizens believe the question is part of the census.

As Arturo Vargas, Chief Executive Officer of NALEO, pointed out during the press conference, this is “an incongruous finding” because it shows that those who are not citizens are “better informed.” That’s why Vargas asked the English-language media to be as attentive to the problem of Census misconceptions as the Spanish-language media.

It is, however, also worrying that 42 percent of undocumented immigrants still believe the question is part of the Census.

The study also highlighted “high levels of anxiety within Latino community around the 2020 Census.” This is reflected in the fact that while 77 percent of Latinos understand that their community would benefit if they participated in the Census, at the same time, 75 percent of the respondents had major concerns that their personal information would be uses against them by the Trump’s administration

To add to this concern, 78 percent of respondents think the Census website is vulnerable to online interference. Moreover, according to the press release, “there are widespread misconceptions around what will be asked, and what the Census does with the information”.

As Julie Menin, New York City Census Bureau director, explained, the Census is essential for everyone because it allocates “the share of public funds.” For New York, this means millions of dollars for programs such as housing, health, education, transportation, as well as political representation and “more than 300 programs in the city,” says Menin. Due to the undercount in 2010, “we lost millions of dollars,” she says.

In addition to its public importance, the Census has political significance: The results can increase or decrease the number of legislative representatives in the city. New York’s population dropped by an estimated 76,790 people between 2018 and 2019; thus New York could lose two seats in Congress. It can also shift power in Congress, the state Assembly, State Senate and City Council among neighborhoods or between the city and its suburbs.

Additionally, the Census is important for defining the political representation of immigrant and non-White communities, which have been historically underrepresented. According to projections by the Urban Institute, “Black and Hispanic/Latinx-identified individuals in the high-risk scenario could be undercounted nationally by 3.68 percent and 3.57 percent, respectively.” Some 2.2 million Latinos around the United States could be miscounted. Immigrants are among the Census’ definition of hard-to-count populations. On the other hand, White people are the only group projected to be over-counted in certain states.

Surprisingly in New York, the self-response rate in the 2010 census was 77,4, slightly higher than the national rate 76 percent, in Washington Heights, a neighborhood with a large immigrant population. But the concern is that it will slip this year.

Another concern for Latinos is providing specific information about themselves or their family members. In addition, “nearly all shared the view that Latinos who are not citizens will not want to participate once they see the questions being asked,” reads the NALEO report. Also, 73 percent of “non-citizens are concerned that immigration enforcement agencies will use their census information against them or their families”. 

This misunderstanding is more prominent among Latinos under 40. Just under half of them believe that the census is used to provide information to track and locate people by “immigration and law enforcement agencies,” while 29 percent of Latinos over 40 believe the same.

The fear among Latinos, and especially among undocumented immigrants, is not baseless. Shortly after the question about citizenship was rejected, President Donald Trump asked federal agencies to find a way to “gain a full, complete and accurate count of the non-citizen population.” As Reveal reported, “even without a citizenship question, the [Census] Bureau now can accurately identify whether a respondent is a citizen at least 90 percent of the time.”

With regards to the response options, Latinos preferred to participate by mail, especially non-citizens and Latinos over 40. In contrast, those Latinos under under 40 preferred online despite the fact that in the focus groups in 2019, most admitted not knowing how the online process worked.

The Census consists of nine simple questions, but one question about citizenship–which is not included–could end up costing several cities billions in aid, under-counting historically marginalized populations, and undermining research.

The post Many Latinos still believe that the citizenship question is in the 2020 Census appeared first on City Limits.

пятница, 14 февраля 2020 г.

Community Board Approves Flushing Waterfront Plan, Despite Opposition

Demonstrators held up banners at scene of the CB7 vote. (Credit: Sing Tao Daily)

Read the original story in Chinese at Sing Tao Daily
Translated and condensed by Rong Xiaoqing

Despite loud chants of “no more luxury residential buildings” from opponents, Queens Community Board 7 approved a rezoning plan that would green light a waterfront development project by creating a Special Flushing Waterfront District, passing the measure by a 30-to-8 vote at its meeting Monday night.


As part of the Flushing waterfront revitalization plan, the development project would build a complex of nine buildings in a patch of 40 acres dubbed the “Special Flushing Waterfront District” bound by 40th Road on the South, 36 Avenue on the North, College Point Avenue on the East and Flushing Creek on the West. The complex of 1.39 million square feet of mixed-use buildings would include 1,725 apartments as well as retail shops, hotels and offices. It would also provide 1,533 parking spots and 3.14 acre of public space. 


The vote triggered anger from many community organizations.  Flushing for Equitable Development and Urban Planning, a coalition of local groups that formed to fight the rezoning, said in a statement that the Uniform Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP), the process which the project must go through to receive approval, is lacking when it comes to transparency and public engagement, and shows little commitment to the community. The statement said that what Flushing needs is not luxury residential buildings but senior centers, schools, libraries and affordable housing. 


Seonae Byeon, housing organizer at the MinKwon Center, said rapidly rising rents have already left many businesses and residents in Flushing struggling, and it is increasingly hard for low-income people and new immigrants to survive here. The waterfront development project would push them further to the edge. 


Congresswoman Grace Meng also raised issues about the project and called for resolving those problems before the plan is voted on by the City Council.



“There are many questions that must still be answered about this project. I have a number of concerns and priority areas that must be better addressed including: the low percentage of affordable housing units; the need to ensure the highest environmental standards and public access for Flushing Creek; a commitment to hire locally with family-sustaining wages and the use of union labor,” Meng in a statement. “[Flushing’s] future growth and success must include the needs of area residents …With this proposal being such a major project for the area, it is critical that the process not be rushed.”     


Claire Shulman, former Queens borough president and an enthusiastic promoters of the project, said the development would revitalize the area by re-utilizing the land, storage and buildings that have been left idle, creating a 40-acre waterfront belt that connects Flushing, Willets Point and Corona.


The city’s Uniform Land Use Review Procedure allows the Queens borough president to make a recommendation about the project within 30 days of the community board’s vote. The City Planning Commission will then have up to 60 days to vote on it, followed by the City Council, which has 50 days to review and vote on the project before the mayor can take up to five days to make his decision.   

Community Board Approves Flushing Waterfront Plan, Despite Opposition

Demonstrators held up banners at scene of the CB7 vote. (Credit: Sing Tao Daily)

Read the original story in Chinese at Sing Tao Daily
Translated and condensed by Rong Xiaoqing

Despite loud chants of “no more luxury residential buildings” from opponents, Queens Community Board 7 approved a rezoning plan that would green light a waterfront development project by creating a Special Flushing Waterfront District, passing the measure by a 30-to-8 vote at its meeting Monday night.

As part of the Flushing waterfront revitalization plan, the development project would build a complex of nine buildings in a patch of 40 acres dubbed the “Special Flushing Waterfront District” bound by 40th Road on the South, 36 Avenue on the North, College Point Avenue on the East and Flushing Creek on the West. The complex of 1.39 million square feet of mixed-use buildings would include 1,725 apartments as well as retail shops, hotels and offices. It would also provide 1,533 parking spots and 3.14 acre of public space. 

The vote triggered anger from many community organizations.  Flushing for Equitable Development and Urban Planning, a coalition of local groups that formed to fight the rezoning, said in a statement that the Uniform Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP), the process which the project must go through to receive approval, is lacking when it comes to transparency and public engagement, and shows little commitment to the community. The statement said that what Flushing needs is not luxury residential buildings but senior centers, schools, libraries and affordable housing. 

Seonae Byeon, housing organizer at the MinKwon Center, said rapidly rising rents have already left many businesses and residents in Flushing struggling, and it is increasingly hard for low-income people and new immigrants to survive here. The waterfront development project would push them further to the edge. 

Congresswoman Grace Meng also raised issues about the project and called for resolving those problems before the plan is voted on by the City Council.

“There are many questions that must still be answered about this project. I have a number of concerns and priority areas that must be better addressed including: the low percentage of affordable housing units; the need to ensure the highest environmental standards and public access for Flushing Creek; a commitment to hire locally with family-sustaining wages and the use of union labor,” Meng in a statement. “[Flushing’s] future growth and success must include the needs of area residents …With this proposal being such a major project for the area, it is critical that the process not be rushed.”     

Claire Shulman, former Queens borough president and an enthusiastic promoters of the project, said the development would revitalize the area by re-utilizing the land, storage and buildings that have been left idle, creating a 40-acre waterfront belt that connects Flushing, Willets Point and Corona.

The city’s Uniform Land Use Review Procedure allows the Queens borough president to make a recommendation about the project within 30 days of the community board’s vote. The City Planning Commission will then have up to 60 days to vote on it, followed by the City Council, which has 50 days to review and vote on the project before the mayor can take up to five days to make his decision.   


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